Monday, August 28, 2017

Gun Malfunction Busting Tips/Tactics

There is a wise maxim that was presented by German military strategist Helmuth von Moltke; “No battle plan survives contact with the enemy.” While this may seem to be an idea that applies to battlefield tactics, it can easily apply to our own personal lives and our ongoing desire to master the defensive handgun. There are many variables in a dangerous conflict that we may not be able to control yet many times our weaknesses are areas where we simply don’t prepare enough. In the realm of defensive handgun, the most commonly neglected area is in weapon manipulations for malfunctions and reloads. Many people are exceptional shots, but if their gun goes unexpectedly quiet, an internal “oh crap” surfaces and the scramble begins.

Malfunctions

I hear it all the time, “My gun never malfunctions.” Well, I am here to tell you that there is a word you need to add to that sentence … “yet.” Malfunctions are a real-world fact with firearms. The cause of these frustrations range from ammo issues to worn parts, but they are a reality we need to deal with. As a general rule, we classify handgun malfunctions in three ways; type one, type two and type three. There are certainly other malfunctions that can occur, but most issues outside these three tend to be catastrophic failures that require tools to remedy. The type one is also known as a failure to fire. It can be caused by several things but commonly it is a failure to completely seat the magazine. No round enters the chamber and we get a deafening “click” when we press the trigger. The remedy for this is simple. Move the gun closer to your torso in what we call your workspace. Firmly tap the magazine with your support side hand, grasp the slide and while angling the ejection port towards the ground, rack the slide. An easy-to-remember phrase is, “Tap-Rack-Roll.”
In a Type One malfunction, you must first ensure the magazine is fully seated in the pistol.
Now here comes some great news. As we move on to the type two malfunction, our clearance technique remains the same. The type two is a failure of the spent brass to completely clear the ejection port. Many times it turns into a stovepipe situation. Once we experience a dead trigger, we do the same technique. Bring the gun into your workspace, tap, rack and roll. This is why we roll the gun. It allows gravity to assist us in clearing out obstructions from the ejection port.
In a Type Two failure, you must cycle the slide and rotate the pistol to allow the jammed case to fall free.
With one and two out of the way we move onto type three. This is a double feed. Essentially, two bullets fighting for the same space in the gun. This is a little more time consuming and a great example of why practice matters. The trigger will once again be dead. Most shooters will already see that the slide is not all the way forward. We bring the gun into our workspace, now lock the slide to the rear. We need to get the mag out and have to take tension off of it to accomplish that. Once it is locked to the rear, release the magazine. You may retain it or discard it. While some groups train to ditch any magazine connected with a malfunction, I would caution against this unless you ALWAYS carry two additional magazines on you every day. You may need the rounds in that mag. With the mag out, firmly rack the slide three times to ensure the chamber is clear. Re-insert a magazine and rack the slide once again to reload the gun.  Just like that you are back in the fight. There are certainly small variations on a theme with these techniques, but regardless of what version you choose – practice them.

Reload

A clean and effective reload requires that you already have the spare mag on its way while clearing the empty one.
While we are in a quoting mode here let me share a gem from Ken Campbell at Gunsite, “Keeping your gun full of ammo is a problem…just not my problem.” The gist of this is that we should always work to keep our weapons topped off with full magazines if possible. The best way to do this is to use what are called tactical reloads. This is the replacement of a partially depleted magazine with a full magazine. It is carried out in the following fashion. Bring the gun into your workspace, eject the partially spent magazine into your hand and pocket it. As your hand now comes past your mag pouch grab a fresh mag and insert it into the gun. The technique is called one out and one in. There is another version of this where you get your fresh magazine in hand first then drop the partial into your palm. A little bit of gun yoga later and you have switched the mags. While it is true that your gun is without a full mag for a shorter period, this technique came to be when slender 1911 mages were the norm. If you are running Glock or other double stack mags it can be bulky. The choice is yours though. Just a quick note on the tactical reload. Much has been made of when you should do one. This is not a gun fighting component. There will be no “lull” in the battle. It is on or it is off. The only time you should ever do this is if you are 100% safe with no threats in proximity.
Last up we have the emergency reload. This is an empty magazine with a slide locked to the rear. This is a quick fix fortunately. Bring the gun into your workspace and index a fresh magazine. As you are pulling it out and bringing it towards the gun, eject the spent magazine. Now insert the fresh mag in one smooth firm motion, seating it solidly. With your support side hand, rack the slide and now the gun is loaded once again. There is a version of this technique that can be used on several pistols where you simply press down the slide lock and in doing so the gun goes back into battery. There are some pistols where this is a challenge so I teach a reach over and rack the slide technique because it works on all handguns.
In a Type Three malfunction, you must lock the slide to the rear to begin clearing the jam.
A Type Three double feed can be very difficult to clear, particularly under stress.

Train

The problem with all of these techniques is that they are not glamorous. They are monotonous drills that are not nearly as enjoyable as shooting. They are crucial however and a failure to master them will keep you from being a well-rounded pistolero. As I say in classes, “You can be the best shooter in the world, but if you can’t keep your gun running you will become a bullet sponge.”

Friday, August 18, 2017

The Constitution of the Confederate States of America.

The Constitution of the Confederate States of America.
In framing the Constitution of the Confederate States, the authors adopted, with numerous elisions and additions, the language of the Constitution of the United States, and followed the same order of arrangement of articles and sections. The changes made in this adaptation of the old Constitution are here shown. The parts stricken out are enclosed in brackets [ ], and the new matter added in framing the Confederate Constitution is printed in italics.
WE, the People of the [United States] Confederated States, each State acting in its sovereign and independent character, in order to form a [more perfect Union] permanent Federal government, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity [provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare], and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the [United] Confederate States of America.
ARTICLE I.
SECTION I.
All legislative Powers herein [granted] delegated, shall be vested in a Congress of the [United] Confederate States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.
SECTION II.
The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall be citizens of the Confederate States, and have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature; but no person of foreign birth, and not a citizen of the Confederate States, shall be allowed to vote for any officer, civil or political, State or federal.
No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and [been seven Years a Citizen of the United] be a citizen of the Confederate States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.
Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this [Union] Confederacy, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all [other Persons] slaves. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the [United] Confederate States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every [thirty] fifty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of [New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three] South Carolina shall be entitled to choose six, the State of Georgia ten, the State of Alabama nine, the State of Florida two, the State of Mississippi seven, the State of Louisiana six, and the State of Texas six.
When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies.
The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment; except that any judicial or other federal officer resident and acting solely within the limits of any State, may be impeached by a vote of two-thirds of both branches of the Legislature thereof.
SECTION III.
The Senate of the [United] Confederate States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years, at the regular session next immediately preceding the commencement of the term of service; and each Senator shall have one Vote.
Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one-third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies.
No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and [been nine Years a Citizen of the United] be a citizen of the Confederate States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.
The Vice President of the [United] Confederate States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.
The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States.
The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the [United] Confederate States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two-thirds of the Members present.
Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and Disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honour, Trust or Profit under the [United] Confederate States; but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
SECTION lV.
The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof, subject to the provisions of this Constitution; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the times and places of chusing Senators.
The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.
SECTION V.
Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.
Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two-thirds of the whole number expel a Member.
Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one-fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal
Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
SECTION VI.
The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the [United] Confederate States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason [Felony] and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.
No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the [United] Confederate States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the [United] Confederate States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office. But Congress may, by law, grant to the principal officers in each of the executive departments a seat upon the floor of either House, with the privilege of discussing any measures appertaining to his department.
SECTION VII.
All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.
Every Bill which shall have passed [the House of Representatives and the Senate] both Houses, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the [United] Confederate States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its return, in which Case it shall not be a Law. The President may approve any appropriation and disapprove any other appropriation in the same bill. In such case he shall, in signing the bill, designate the appropriation disapproved, and shall return a copy of such appropriation, with his objections, to the House in which the bill shall have originated; and the same proceedings shall then be had as in case of other bills disapproved by the President.
Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of [the Senate and House of Representatives] both Houses may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment), shall be presented to the President of the [United] Confederate States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, [shall] may be repassed by two-thirds of [the Senate and House of Representatives] both Houses, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.
SECTION VIII.
The Congress shall have Power
To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, for revenue necessary to pay the Debts [and], provide for the common Defence [and general Welfare of the United States; but], and carry on the government of the Confederate States; but no bounties shall be granted from the treasury, nor shall any duties, or taxes, or importation from foreign nations be laid to promote or foster any branch of industry; and all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the [United] Confederate States;
To borrow Money on the credit of the [United] Confederate States;
To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes; but neither this, nor any other clause contained in this Constitution, shall ever be construed to delegate the power to Congress to appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce; except for the purpose of furnishing lights, beacons, and buoys, and other aids to navigation upon the coasts, and the improvement of harbors, and the removing of obstructions in river navigation; in all such cases such duties shall be laid on the navigation facilitated thereby, as may be necessary to pay the costs and expenses thereof;
To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the [United] Confederate States; but no law of Congress shall discharge any debt contracted before the passage of the same;
To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;
To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the [United] Confederate States;
To establish Post Offices and post [Roads] routes; but the expenses of the Postoffice Department, after the first day of March, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-three, shall be paid out of its own revenues;
To promote the progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;
To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;
To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;
To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;
To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to
that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;
To provide and maintain a Navy;
To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;
To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the [Union] Confederate States, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the Militia and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the [United] Confederate States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the Discipline prescribed by Congress;
To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the [United] Confederate States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;--And
To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the [United] Confederate States or in any Department or Officer thereof.
SECTION IX.
[The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or Duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.] The importation of negroes of the African race from any foreign country other than the slaveholding States or territories of the United States of America, is hereby forbidden; and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same. Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of, or territory not belonging to, this Confederacy.
The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law, or law denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves, shall be passed.
No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or Enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken.
No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State, except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses.
No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another [:nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter. clear, or pay Duties in another].
No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time.
Congress shall appropriate no money from the Treasury except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses, taken by yeas and nays, unless it be asked and estimated for by some one of the heads of departments and submitted to Congress by the President; or for the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies; or for the payment of claims against the Confederate States, the justice of which shall have been officially declared by a tribunal for the investigation of claims against the Government, which it is hereby made the duty of Congress to establish.
All bills appropriating money shall specify in Federal currency the exact amount of each appropriation and the purposes for which it is made; and Congress shall grant no extra compensation to any public contractor, officer, agent or servant, after such contract shall have been made or such service rendered.
No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the [United] Confederate States; and no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince or foreign State.
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.
A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms shall not be infringed.
No Soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand
Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any Criminal Case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have Compulsory process for obtaining Witnesses in his favour, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.
In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the [United] Confederate States, than according to .the rules of the common law.
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
Every law or resolution having the force of law, shall relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in the title.
SECTION X.
No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; [emit Bills of Credit;] make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, or ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.
No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the [United] Confederate States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Con-troul of the Congress.
No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, except on sea-going vessels, for the improvement of its rivers and harbors navigated by the said vessels; but such duties shall not conflict with any treaties of the Confederate States with foreign nations; and any surplus of revenue thus derived shall, after making such improvement, be paid into the common treasury; nor shall any State keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of Delay. But when any river divides or flows through two or more States, they may enter into compacts with each other to improve the navigation thereof.
ARTICLE II.
SECTION I.
[The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows:] The executive power shall be vested in a President of the Confederate States of America. He and the Vice President shall hold their offices for the term of six years; but the President shall not be re-eligible. The President and Vice President shall be elected as follows:
Each State shall appoint in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress; but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the [United] Confederate States, shall be appointed an Elector.
The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the [United] Confederate States, directed to the President of the Senate;--The President of the Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted;--The person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice President shall be the Vice President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice President of the [United] Confederate States.
The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States.
No Person except a natural born Citizen [or a Citizen of the United States] of the Confederate States, or a citizen thereof, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, or a citizen thereof born in the United States prior to the 20th of December, 1860, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty-five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the [United States] limits of the Confederate States, as they may exist at the time of his election.
In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the same shah devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation, or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.
The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the [United} Confederate States or any of them.
Before he enters on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:--
"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the [United] Confederate States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution [of the United States] thereof."
SECTION II.
The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the [United] Confederate States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the [United] Confederate States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the [United] Confederate States, except in Cases of Impeachment.
He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the [United] Confederate States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. The principal officer in each of the executive departments, and all persons connected with the diplomatic service, may be removed from office at the pleasure of the President. All other civil officers of the executive department may be removed at any time by the President, or other appointing power, when their services are unnecessary, or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty; and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the Senate, together with the reasons therefor.
The President shall have Power to fill [up] all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.
SECTION III.
[He] The President shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the [Union] Confederacy, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene bolt, Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the officers of the [United] Confederate States,
SECTION IV.
The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the [United] Confederate States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
ARTICLE III.
SECTION I.
The judicial Power of the [United] Confederate States shall be vested in one [supreme] Superior Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behavior, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.
SECTION II.
The judicial Power shall extend to all cases [in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution], arising under this Constitution, ,n law and equity, the Laws of the [United] Confederate States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;- to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers, and Consuls;--to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to which the [United] Confederate States shall be a Party; --to Controversies between two or more States;--between a State and Citizens of another State where the State is plaintiff ;--between Citizens claiming lands under grants of different' States,--[between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States,] and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects; but no State shall be sued by a citizen or subject of any foreign State.
In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.
The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crime[s] shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.
SECTION III.
Treason against the [United] Confederate States shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.
The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.
ARTICLE IV.
SECTION I.
Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.
SECTION II.
The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States, and shall have the right of transit and sojourn in any State of this Confederacy, with their slaves and other property; and the right of property in such slaves shall not be impaired.
A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.
No slave or Person held to Service or Labour in [one State] any State or Territory of the Confederate Slates under the Laws thereof, escaping or unlawfully carried into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such slave belongs, or to whom such Service or Labour may be due.
SECTION III.
[New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union;] Other States may be admitted into this Confederacy by a vote of two-thirds of the whole House of Representatives and two-thirds of the Senate, the Senate voting by States; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.
The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations [respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State] concerning the property of the Confederate States, including the lands thereof.
The Confederate States may acquire new territory, and Congress shall have power to legislate and provide governments for the inhabitants of all territory belonging to the Confederate States lying without the limits of the several States, and may permit them, at such times and in such manner as it may by law provide, to form States to be admitted into the Confederacy. In all such territory the institution of negro slavery as it now exists in the Confederate States shall be recognized and protected by Congress and by the territorial government, and the inhabitants of the several Confederate States and territories shall have the right to take to such territory any slaves lawfully held by them in any of the States or Territories of the Confederate States.
[SECTION IV.]
The [United] Confederate States shall guarantee to every State [in this Union] that now is, or hereafter may become, a member of this Confederacy, a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature [cannot be convened] is not in session) against domestic Violence.
ARTICLE V.
[The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or on the Application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.]
Upon the demand of any three States, legally assembled in their several Conventions, the Congress shall summon a Convention of all the States, to take into consideration such amendments to the Constitution as the said States shall concur in suggesting at the time when the said demand is made; and should any of the proposed amendments to the Constitution be agreed on by the said Convention--voting by States --and the same be ratified by the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, or by Conventions in two-thirds thereof--as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the general Convention--they shall henceforward form a part of this Constitution. But no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal representation in the Senate.
ARTICLE VI.
The Government established by this Constitution is the successor of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America, and all laws passed by the latter shall continue in force until the same shall be repealed or modified; and all the officers appointed by the same shall remain in office until their successors are appointed and qualified or the offices abolished.
All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the [United] Confederate States under this Constitution, as under the [Confederation] Provisional Government.
This Constitution and the Laws of the [United] Confederate States [which shall be] made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the [United] Confederate States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.
The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the [United] Confederate States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the [United] Confederate States.
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people of the several States.
The powers not delegated to the [United] Confederate States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.
ARTICLE VII.
The Ratification of the Conventions of [nine] five States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.
When five States shall have ratified this Constitution, in the manner before specified, the Congress under the Provisional Constitution shall prescribe the time for holding the election of President and Vice President; and for the meeting of the electoral college; and for counting the votes and inaugurating the President. They shall also prescribe the time for holding the first election of members of Congress under this Constitution, and the time for assembling the same. Until the assembling of such Congress, the Congress under the Provisional Constitution shall continue to exercise the legislative powers granted them, not extending beyond the time limited by the Constitution of the Provisional Government.
[DONE in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independance of the United States of America the Twelfth.] Adopted unanimously March 11, 1861. Source: The Confederate Military History, Appendix to Volume 12

The Confederate Constitution: What your elementary school didn’t teach you

The Confederate Constitution: What your elementary school didn’t teach you


At the start of 1861, several Southern states seceded to form their own union under the Constitution of the Confederate States. The Confederate Constitution was just a modified version of the original U.S. Constitution, but the edits were significant.
The South seceded largely over economic issues. Heavy-hitting tariffs on manufactured goods protected Northern industries while making Southern costs skyrocket. Meanwhile, 90 percent of the Union’s revenue came from those tariffs and then was spent to help the North.
Slavery certainly was a factor in the Civil War. But it was partly the economic pressures on the South that made slavery an issue.
Other countries were compensating slave owners, using government revenue to ease the transition away from slavery. In the United States, however, the North was tightening the economic screws. It exploited the South with tariffs and spent the revenue on its own largess.
Two days before Lincoln’s inauguration in March 1861, Northern congressmen passed the Morrill Tariff. It steeply raised tariffs on politically popular Northern manufactured goods.
Previous tariffs had been a percentage of the purchase price. The practice of providing a phony invoice for a lower amount alleviated much of the tariff’s harm. The Morrill Tariff removed this possibility. It required a specific duty per quantity of the imported item regardless of the purchase price.
With the South peacefully seceded, it was impossible to count on its cooperation. But Lincoln was expected to enforce the Morrill Tariff. A group of Virginian commissioners were deputized to determine if Lincoln would use force and suggested he abandon Fort Sumter.
Lincoln responded, “If I do that, what would become of my revenue? I might as well shut up housekeeping [a euphemism for federal spending] at once!” With 90 percent of his revenue coming from tariffs collected in the South, the Southern secession meant the union’s budget would take a cut.
He went on to say, “But what am I to do in the meantime with those men at Montgomery?” — meaning the Confederate constitutional convention. “Am I to let them go on... [a]nd open Charleston, etc., as ports of entry, with their ten-percent tariff? What, then, would become of my tariff?” Just a month before the start of the hostilities of the Civil War, Lincoln had tariff revenue on his mind.
Meanwhile, the Confederate states correctly judged the need for additional checks on the federal government’s power to tax some while benefiting others. The Confederacy is often portrayed as the villain in popular media. But the Confederate edits to the Constitution would have helped prevent a lot of the federal mischief we’ve experienced.
The Confederate states added a prohibition on tariffs protecting specific industries and required all such taxes to be uniform throughout the country. Such a law removed the special-interest lobbying and patronage that elected Lincoln. It was based on the more general principle that if the power doesn’t exist to discriminate among specific industries, there is no incentive to buy the right to wield that power for your own industry’s benefit.
They also removed the general welfare justification for collecting taxes; only providing for the common defense remained.
The general welfare clause was originally intended to limit the power of Congress and prohibit it from providing for special interest groups. It was included as a summary version of the 17 specific powers immediately following it. James Madison, principal author of the Constitution, argued that no one would misunderstand the general welfare clause and give Congress unlimited power. The specific limited powers, he argued, were “not even separated by a longer pause than a semicolon.”
Prior to 1936, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed in multiple cases. Then Franklin D. Roosevelt packed the Supreme Court with six extra justices. The court finally justified his 1937 Social Security Act and a host of other New Deal legislation under the misunderstanding that Madison had thought impossible. Since then, the general welfare clause has been used to justify nearly every aspect of the federal budget.
The Confederate Constitution added much language to block any laws intended to “facilitate commerce.” Much of the tariff revenue collected from the South had been used to build railroads and canals in the North. In other words, one man’s money was being used to better another man’s state. The Confederate Constitution solved this problem as well.
To the article giving Congress the power to regulate commerce, the Confederate Constitution added “but neither this, nor any other clause contained in the constitution, shall ever be construed to delegate the power to Congress to appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce.”
This additional clause was intended to stop the federal government from taking the money collected from everyone and use it to pay for one region’s development.
The only internal improvement the Confederate Constitution justified was work on harbors and rivers. However, such improvements had to be paid for using money collected from the people navigating them.
In the U.S. Congress, congressional favors were and still are passed by the slimmest of majorities. However, the Confederate Constitution solved this by requiring a two-thirds super-majority of a congressional vote before any federal funds could be spent. Its framers believed that the more impediments to legislative spending, the better. If spending were disliked by as many as a third of Congress today, it is likely we would be better off.
The CSA founders also anticipated the congressional shenanigans of hiding large special-interest spending projects inside otherwise helpful legislation. They added a presidential line-item veto, writing, “The President may approve any appropriation and disapprove any other appropriation in the same bill.”
Finally, the Confederate Constitution changed the term of the president to six years but prohibited the chief executive from serving two terms. Many of our former presidents have agreed with this idea.
In his first year, a president is trying to learn the job. The next three years he is running for re-election. Only in his second term, if then, is he taking the long view and thinking about his place in history.
We are thankful the Civil War ended the abominable practice of slavery in the United States. However, our gratitude for this social change causes us to overlook what the Confederate Constitution had to offer.
The Civil War began over exploitive protectionist tariffs. On this specific issue, the South might very well have had the higher moral ground. Southerners wove some of their improvements into the Confederate Constitution. Our slavery-focused retelling of the Civil War loses sight of issues of freedom we’ve lost with the Confederate Constitution.
David John Marotta is president of Marotta Wealth Management Inc. of Charlottesville. University of Virginia graduate Megan Russell, systems analyst for the company, also contributed to this commentary. Questions should be sent to emarotta.com or Marotta Wealth Management Inc., One Village Green Circle, Suite 100, Charlottesville, Va. 22903-4619

Monday, August 7, 2017

AR 15

Media Guide to the AR-15Pretty much all true... That is just sad!Image result for ar rifleman those ar-15s have caused so many deaths...Image result for ar rifleAR ar-isnt-assault-rifle-768x768

AR-15 Parts Weights Database

AR-15 Parts Weights Database

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When it comes to building an AR-15 weight is a factor I always consider. Unless you’re building a long range rifle that will only be shot off of a bench I believe lighter is always better.
A good way to shave off ounces from your AR build is to use a lightweight lower receiver and lightweight bolt carrier group, or if your budget allows it carbon fiber or titanium parts. If you’re not building a race gun or you don’t have a large enough budget you can save weight by simply using only iron sights and not adding every tactical do dad all the operators use, that’s hard to do I know. If you are shopping for parts for your next AR build or you plan to update your existing AR-15 check out this extremely thorough AR-15 Parts Weights Database.

The Czech Republic Has Rearmed With A New Battle Rifle And It Is Now Available To The Public

CZ’s Bren Gun

The Czech Republic Has Rearmed With A New Battle
Rifle And It Is Now Available To The Public
By Holt Bodinson
Walking into Murphy’s Gun Shop in Tucson, AZ, I asked if my Bren gun had arrived? Half-a-dozen heads on the floor snapped in my direction to check if they had heard the question right. “Bren gun?” Indeed, my Bren gun had arrived, or, should I say, my CZ 805 Bren S1 had arrived. As it was unwrapped at the counter so we could complete the necessary transfer paperwork, comments from the customers present ranged from “Way cool!” to “I thought we’d never really see one.”
The Czech arms industry has enjoyed a long and rich history of innovative small arms design. Familiar examples coming to mind are the WWII Bren light machine gun, the Sa vz.58 assault rifle, the Scorpion machine pistol, the CZ 52 pistol with its distinctive roller-locking system, the storied CZ 75 and, of course, those finely made CZ sporting rifles and shotguns.
The Czechs are individualistic. Swallowed up into the Soviet-dominated Warsaw Pact (1955-1991), they rejected the adoption of the Soviet AK-47. Soldiering down an independent path, Czechoslovakia developed a series of prototype assault rifles culminating with the advanced model Sa vz.58 in 1959.
The Sa vz.58 shares not one interchangeable part with the AK. It features a fast, inline striker ignition rather than the internal hammer of the AK. The gas piston is separate and not attached to the bolt carrier. The receiver is milled, not stamped and riveted, yet the Sa vz.58 is almost 2 pounds lighter than the AK. In fact, the Czechs were so concerned with weight they used an unusually lightweight alloy rather than steel to fabricate their 7.62×39 magazines.
The Bren points well for a compact rifle. Folding sights are factory installed, and Holt
mounted a Leupold Mk 6 1-6X scope on the rail.
The Bren proved extremely accurate, favoring bullets in the 60- to 70-grain range.
The Sa vz.58 is one of my favorites. It’s a sleek, accurate and weatherproof design. A decade ago, two semi-automatic versions were available in the milsurp market. Century International Arms built semi-automatic versions of the Sa vz.58 using original Czech parts kits. The C.A.I. model carries the designation “VZ2008.” CZ-USA itself imported a newly manufactured, commercial-grade model known as the “Sa vz.58 Sporter” with a spacey-looking Zytel stock. If you ever spring for either one, be sure it comes with its original Sa vz.58 magazines. AK magazines will not fit an Sa vz.58.
With an eye on becoming a member nation of NATO, which calls for the adoption of the 5.56x45mm NATO round, Czechoslovakia embarked on a series of new assault rifle designs rather than updating and retrofitting their existing Sa vz.58 with modern architecture. The key concepts seemed to be modularity and ambidextrous functionality—a design that could be a rifle, carbine, designated marksman rifle, squad automatic weapon in different calibers. Through the integration of M1913 rails, it offers flexibility in mounting optics and lighting options.
The final design, known as the CZ S 805, began gradually replacing the Sa vz.58’s after the Czech Republic joined NATO in 1999. Production of the military model has obviously been ramped up sufficiently for CZ to make a semi-automatic, civilian version, the CZ 805 Bren S1 reviewed here.
First impressions? Solid, robust, finely machined and finished, heavy. As military long arms go, the Bren carbine is as nicely crafted and executed a weapon as you’ll ever handle. With few exceptions, it’s all metal, robustly dimensioned. It’s so solid it would take a truly committed soldier to wreck it.
Out of the box, the Bren weighs 8.43 pounds. Add a loaded 30-round magazine and a milspec optic like Leupold’s Mark 6 1-6x20mm and the Bren tips 10.75 pounds on my Sunbeam scale. Keep adding lasers, IR illuminators and lights to the 1913 rails and you better be 19 again to hump this baby around the field. CZ could easily take some metal out of the upper chassis, reducing the weight by a pound or so and still field a robust combat firearm. I imagine in time they will.
At the last shot, the bolt locks open—an invaluable signal to the shooter when things go hot.
When the stock is fully folded, the trigger and safety are still reachable and fully operable.
CZ’s 4-position, folding stock is rock solid and comfortable to use.
It is a truly ambidextrous firearm. There’s a safety lever and a magazine release on both sides of the receiver while the reciprocating charging handle and the fiber cheekrest on the folding stock can be switched over for right- or left-hand use. I have a large hand, but when gripping the pistol grip, I could not thumb-off or apply the safety without shifting my grip. Going to the CZ-USA website, I found CZ offers a smaller, interchangeable backstrap for the standard pistol grip. Worth keeping in mind.
The Bren’s gas piston driven system is simplicity itself. It’s easy to service by merely unscrewing the gas valve from the front of the gas block. From the standpoint of keeping the breech of an AR clean, I’m beginning to lean toward these reliable, piston-driven machines.
The Bren’s 16.2-inch barrel is hammer forged, chrome lined and threaded at the muzzle (1/2×28 for flash hiders and silencers). Twist is 1:7. It’s shaped with a very light contour, but proved stable and didn’t wander about when it got sizzling hot during test firing under an Arizona summer sun.
CZ’s 4-position folding stock proved to be utterly rigid and comfortable. The forward end of the upper chassis sports blank rail panels on both sides of the stock and a replaceable 1913 rail underneath. Aftermarket M-LOK or KeyMod rails could be attached if desired at any of those 3 locations. In short, the chassis will accommodate 4 rails.
At the last shot, the bolt locks open. The Bren does not feature a bolt release. Pulling back and letting go of the charging handle slams the bolt home. The charging handle reciprocates a full 4.5 inches along the side of the stock. It’s possible, but not probable, the handle will hit a shooter’s hand, so a non-reciprocating design or a fold-down handle would be a welcomed improvement.
If the 2-stage trigger of the Bren is normal “milspec” in the Czech Republic, my hat’s off to CZ. After 10 pull-weight tries, it averaged 4 pounds, 15 ounces on a Lyman electronic scale.
CZ’s 805 Bren S1 is an exacting, semi-automatic, clone of the Czech Republic’s current main battle rifle.
How did it shoot? While the Bren comes complete with an excellent set of factory zeroed, flip-up front and rear sights, I used a milspec Mark 6 Leupold for group shooting. The Bren proved to have a distinct taste for bullets in the 60- to 70-grain range. The results of 3-shot groups at 100 yards are impressive. Federal Gold Medal Match topped with the Sierra 69-grain MatchKing won accuracy laurels with a sterling 0.3-oinch group.
Maintenance? The Bren comes with a neat factory cleaning kit consisting of a jointed rod, chamber and bore brushes, piston tube brush, toothbrush, disassembly tool, pin punch and patches. The cleaning instructions in the owner’s manual guide you in fieldstripping the whole gun. The process is just a little bit complex and too time consuming. The gas piston system doesn’t need cleaning very often, and when it does, it’s readily accessible. To keep the bore clean from the chamber end, I recommend simply using a Hoppe’s Boresnake or an Otis pull-through and be done with it.
Overall, the CZ 805 Bren S1 is a great shooting carbine but as an exacting semi-automatic clone of the Czech Republic’s current main battle rifle, it’s the real deal!
CZ 805 BREN S1
MAKER: Ceska Zbrojovka A.S., Uhersky Brod, Czech Republic,
IMPORTER: CZ-USA
P.O. Box 171073
Kansas City, KS 66117
(800) 955-4486
https://gunsmagazine.com/company/cz-usa/
ACTION TYPE: Semi-auto, gas piston, rotating bolt
CALIBER: .223/5.56
CAPACITY: 30
BARREL LENGTH: 16.2 inches
OVERALL LENGTH: 36.6 inches (collapsed), 39 inches (extended)
WEIGHT: 8.43 pounds (unloaded)
FINISH: Matte black
SIGHTS: Flip-up, front and rear, M1913 rails
STOCK: 4-position, side-folding, polymer
PRICE: $1,999

Second Amendment Guarantee Act Would Protect Popular Rifles, Shotguns from Antigun Politicians

Second Amendment Guarantee Act Would Protect Popular Rifles, Shotguns from Antigun Politicians

Friday, August 4, 2017
Second Amendment Guarantee Act Would Protect Popular Rifles, Shotguns from Antigun Politicians
This week, Congressman Chris Collins (R-NY) introduced legislation that would shield popular rifles and shotguns, including the AR-15, from being banned under state laws. The bill, known as the Second Amendment Guarantee Act (SAGA), would also protect parts for these firearms, including detachable magazines and ammunition feeding devices.
The bill is a response to antigun laws in a small handful of states – including California, Connecticut, D.C., Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, and New York – that criminalize the mere possession of highly popular semiautomatic long guns widely available throughout the rest of the country. Although rifles or shotguns of any sort are used less often in murders than knives, blunt objects such as clubs or hammers, or even hands, fists, and feet, gun control advocates have sought to portray the banned guns as somehow uniquely dangerous to public safety.  

Ask Your Representative to support the Second Amendment Guarantee Act

Please contact your U.S. Representative and ask him or her to cosponsor and support H.R. 3576, the Second Amendment Guarantee Act. You can call your U.S. Representative at 202-225-3121.
TAKE ACTION TODAY
Anti-gunners’ focus on these so-called “assault weapons” was renewed after the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2008 decision in District of Columbia v. Heller. That decision made clear that handguns – by far the type of firearm most commonly used in crime – were subject to Second Amendment protection and could not be banned.  This led gun control advocates to seek out other sorts of guns to demonize, and they’ve since been strenuously promoting the myth that semiautomatic rifles and shotguns with certain features such as detachable magazines, pistol grips or adjustable stocks are “weapons of war” with no legitimate civilian use.
Yet Americans overwhelmingly choose these types of firearms for legitimate purposes, including protection of their homes and properties, “three-gun” and other practical shooting sports, and hunting and pest control. And, indeed, the states’ legislative attempts to ban these guns has spurred a market for innovative products that use the same basic calibers and firing mechanisms, but with stock, grip, and accessory configurations that comply with legislative guidelines.
Although the U.S. Supreme Court has yet to review any of these state bans, lower courts have come up with increasingly strained readings of the Second Amendment and Supreme Court precedents to try to justify them. The Seventh Circuit, for example, held that even if a ban's incursion on Second Amendment rights had no beneficial effect on safety whatsoever, it could still be justified on the basis of the false sense of security it might impart to local residents with exaggerated fears of the banned guns. “[I]f it has no other effect," the majority opinion stated, the challenged “ordinance may increase the public's sense of safety.” That’s hardly an acceptable offset for the infringement of a constitutional right.
Members of the Supreme Court have criticized their colleagues for failing to review these cases and the lower courts for misapplying Supreme Court precedent. As noted in a dissent filed by Justice Clarence Thomas and joined by Heller’s author, the late Justice Antonin Scalia, “Roughly five million Americans own AR-style semiautomatic rifles.” Moreover, the “overwhelming majority of citizens who own and use such rifles do so for lawful purposes, including self-defense and target shooting.” “Under our precedents,” Thomas concluded, “that is all that is needed for citizens to have a right under the Second Amendment to keep such weapons.”
With states’ violating Americans’ rights and federal courts allowing them to act with impunity, it is up to Congress to ensure that all Americans, wherever they may live, have access the best, most modern and innovative firearms for their lawful needs, including the protection of themselves and their families.
The SAGA would ensure that state regulations could not effectively prevent the manufacture, sale, importation, or possession of any rifle or shotgun lawfully available under federal law or impose any prohibitive taxes, fees, or design limitations on such firearms.
The NRA thanks Rep. Chris Collins for leading this important effort and urges his colleagues to cosponsor and support this staunchly pro-gun legislation.
Please contact your U.S. Representative and ask him or her to cosponsor and support H.R. 3576, the Second Amendment Guarantee Act.  You can call your U.S. Representative at 202-225-3121.